As Ireland continues to debate its cultural and political identity in the 21st century, the conversation around nationalism remains complex and deeply relevant. Political parties across the spectrum continue to grapple with its meaning, while Trinity’s political landscape provides a microcosm for these discussions.
Defining Irish nationalism: identity vs. politics
Trinity News interviewed young political activists on how they interpret Irish nationalism. For Seán O’Leary, chair of Trinity Social Democrats, the distinction between Irish national identity and political nationalism was critical. They warned against the dangers of conflating cultural pride with the narrower objectives of nationalism and expressed their disappointment that discussions of modern nationalism sideline important aspects of Irish culture, especially the Irish language, in favour of political rhetoric.
“Nationalism and national identity need to be distinguished between one another,” O’Leary asserted, adding that “Irish identity is about our language, culture, and inclusivity, while nationalism, as it stands today, too often narrows its focus to political aims instead of equality for everyone”.
O’Leary also emphasised the importance of cultural revival: “The Irish language is one of the most gorgeous languages to hear and speak, yet it is severely neglected.” They continued, arguing that “recent conversations about the Irish language as a part of Irish identity and media like An Cailín Ciúin (The Quiet Girl), which facilitates these discussions, need to be had at a national level as well as at a classroom level”. For him, systemic reform is necessary: “The way we teach Irish in schools alienates students, it is taught to students as if they are already fluent… meaningful reform if it is to occur, must come from the school level.”
Trinity College Dublin Students’ Union President Jenny Maguire also underlined the importance of advancing Irish culture and language, viewing their lack of promotion as a primary state shortfall. Emphasising that her views are hers alone, she argued that “whether through the failure to provide housing in Gaeltacht areas, the failure to invest in Irish language services and more, the state is not just failing the language – it is actively suppressing it. It puts an upper limit on the language … its continued failure to support the Irish people through housing and services, [means that] the ability to engage fully with the question of the Irish language is pulled lower and lower”.
For Caoilinn Gaughan, cathaoirleach (chairperson) of Cumann Wolfe Tone (Fianna Fáil’s Trinity branch), Irish nationalism must look forward and strive to become a force for both cultural preservation and political progress. While she acknowledged its anti-imperialist foundations, for her, it has evolved into a more inclusive movement: “Fianna Fáil’s understanding of Irish nationalism is of an open and welcoming society which embraces new cultures and ideas, while placing a significant value on our Irish heritage and traditions.”
Gaughan, pointed to recent cultural movements, such as the rise of Kneecap, an Irish-language rap group, as evidence of a revival in cultural pride. She described this as a positive step toward re-engaging young people with their Irish identity. “Kneecap has facilitated the integration of the Irish language into today’s society,” Gaughan noted. “Bringing the conversation surrounding Irish nationalism into the public domain … [and] has even introduced Irish nationalism to an international audience, allowing more people than ever before to engage with the movement.”
“Irish nationalism is about building bridges rather than walls”
Gaughan pointed to the Shared Island initiative, spearheaded by Tánaiste Micheál Martin, as a key example of how Irish nationalism can foster dialogue among unionist and nationalist communities north and south of the Irish border. Gaughan said that for herself and her party, Irish nationalism is about building bridges rather than walls.
Responses to the rise of the far-right
Both O’Leary and Gaughan shared concerns about the rise of far-right nationalist movements across Europe, though their approaches to this challenge differed significantly.
O’Leary argued that the far-right’s emergence in Ireland is largely the result of socioeconomic issues, particularly in housing and immigration policy. “The current far-right movement in Ireland stems from severe failure of state policy,” O’Leary told Trinity News. “This has led to a lack of civic engagement, distrust in the current state of politics and some of the most vulnerable people in society going unheard. Far-right agitators exploit this fear to push their hate-filled agenda.”
From O’Leary’s perspective, the far-right thrives on ordinary people’s socioeconomic struggles. For him, nationalism has been manipulated to divert attention from deeper issues and serve political interests, rather than addressing the root causes of discontent.
“Housing is treated as a commodity, and this neglect creates fertile ground for far-right agitators,” he continued. “A majority of people are kind and compassionate and it saddens me to see hate becoming so prevalent.”
“‘the far-right has co-opted images and symbols of Irish nationalism’”
This sentiment was echoed by Maguire who argued that while “Irish nationalism has never been a unified body … the far-right has co-opted images and symbols of Irish nationalism, [which are not] Irish nationalism itself.” While this may “align with trends of the European far-right movement”, for Maguire, the Irish far-right in particular “have done so by adapting outward fascism. Anyone who says otherwise is only fooling themselves and dangerously underplaying their threat. To call the Irish far-right Irish nationalism because they fly the tricolour or call themselves nationalists is like taking the Nazis’ word that they were ‘just democratic socialists’”.
“Groups seek to suck on working-class communities to direct hatred towards migrants. They will never critique the capitalist structures that created suffering in the first place as they have no interest in true liberation … they couldn’t be looking out for ‘the Irish people’ less.” For her, it is “the responsibility of all of us to call them what they are. Fascists and genuinely just a bit scarlet”.
Maguire also touched on the issue of the politicisation of religion within these extremist movements. In her view, Irish nationalism must be treated as an “act of decolonisation”, yet this approach is also being twisted. As she sees it, “the way the far-right adopt some sort of Catholic-nationalist position is disgusting. Ireland, in an attempt to distance itself from one evil (Britain), went straight to another (the Catholic Church)”. She continued, stating that “anyone who wishes to erase this history, is giving a middle finger to every single man, woman and child that suffered under the almost theocratic position the Irish state was in for much of the last century. The whitewashing of this violence is in line, however, with the suffering the far-right wish to push on every area of Irish life”.
Gaughan shared O’Leary and Maguire’s concern about the rise of right-wing extremism but presented Fianna Fáil’s version of nationalism as a counterpoint. For her, Irish nationalism should be rooted in inclusivity: “This idea of Irish nationalism stands in direct contrast to the anti-immigration sentiment and restrictive view of society expressed by right-wing nationalist extremists across Europe.” Gaughan said that her experience abroad during her Erasmus year in Germany informed her view, where she witnessed the rise of the far-right AfD (Alternative für Deutschland).
The future of Irish nationalism: radicalisation or inclusion?
Looking ahead, O’Leary expressed his concerns that unless significant socioeconomic reforms are enacted, nationalism in Ireland could become more radicalised, with the far-right gaining ground. For him, solving the housing crisis and improving the political system’s responsiveness to citizens are essential to preventing further radicalisation.
Gaughan was more optimistic about the future of Irish nationalism, particularly under Fianna Fáil’s leadership. She argued that current evidence supports the electorate’s favouring of a more centrist, inclusive version of nationalism. “The recent local and European elections saw an increase in the number of radicalised Irish nationalist candidates standing for election,” Gaughan stated. “The electorate had a choice … and voted overwhelmingly in favour of a more open society, with a return to the centre ground. This vision for an inclusive society expressed by Fianna Fáil continues to resonate with people.”
Yet, with the example of the recent election win of almost one-third of the vote for the German anti-immigrant, right-wing AfD Party in Thuringia, fears of the events in continental Europe are not dissipating. Maguire highlighted this danger, stating “I describe myself as a radical optimist, with empathy and hope acting as the foundation for all my political, social or any actions [I undertake]. However – I am truly frightened. The passivity and inaction of the current political structures are only making it worse. The agitation by the police and refusal to allow on-the-ground groups to heal communities in ‘taskforces’ is making it worse”. She expressed concerns over a “future I believe may be approaching if a true alternative is not provided”.
The perspectives of all three interviewees offer a window into the broader debate surrounding Irish nationalism today. As Ireland continues to consider questions of national identity, immigration, and economic instability, what is clear from these reflections is that Irish nationalism will continue to evolve, shaped by a tension between the contradictory forces of radicalisation and inclusion. Whether through cultural revival or political reform, these parties see a path forward that centres on a celebration of Irish national identity and culture.
